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EU Parliament Takes Up Wider Carbon Border Plan – The European Times

MEPs weigh broader CBAM coverage and temporary support for exposed European industry

The European Parliament opens debate on Monday on expanding the EU’s Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism to hundreds of manufactured products. Lawmakers will also consider a temporary fund for European industries facing higher carbon costs. A vote during the Strasbourg plenary would establish Parliament’s negotiating position, rather than enact the proposals.

The debate concerns a central weakness in the European Union’s carbon-border policy. CBAM currently applies mainly to carbon-intensive basic materials, including iron, steel, aluminium, cement, fertilisers, hydrogen and electricity. Manufacturers can, however, turn those materials into finished goods outside the EU before exporting them to the single market.

European producers argue that this creates a route around the policy. A factory inside the EU must pay for emissions under the Emissions Trading System, while an imported finished product may contain the same carbon-intensive metal without facing an equivalent charge.

From raw materials to finished goods

The European Commission proposed adding 180 downstream products with a high proportion of steel or aluminium. The Council of the EU subsequently backed a list of 200 products. Parliament’s Environment Committee has proposed going further, extending CBAM to 457 product categories.

The goods under consideration include fasteners, wire, springs, cookware and other household or industrial articles. According to the European Parliament’s legislative analysis, the committee’s position would also strengthen rules addressing practices such as minor product modifications and the selective routing of lower-carbon materials into EU-bound goods.

Online platforms facilitating imports would face the same obligations under Parliament’s proposed approach. This could become increasingly important as consumers buy more manufactured goods directly from sellers outside the Union.

The three EU institutions also differ over emergency flexibility. The Commission proposed allowing individual goods to be removed temporarily from CBAM in serious and unforeseen circumstances. The Council wants stricter limits on that power. Parliament’s committee would delete the general exemption but retain a more targeted derogation for the EU’s outermost regions where the mechanism causes severe harm.

A wider system brings new administrative demands

Extending CBAM could make the policy harder to avoid, but it would also draw thousands of additional businesses into a technically demanding reporting system. The European Economic and Social Committee cited Commission estimates that between 3,800 and 3,900 small and medium-sized enterprises could acquire new reporting obligations.

These companies may have to obtain emissions information from suppliers operating across complex international value chains. Smaller importers often have less influence over their suppliers and fewer resources for carbon accounting than multinational companies.

A workable transition will therefore depend on accessible guidance, reliable default values and proportionate enforcement. Weak controls would leave space for evasion. Excessively complicated procedures could instead discourage legitimate smaller traders while companies with larger compliance departments absorb the burden more easily.

The new debate builds on the EU’s earlier move towards stricter carbon-border trade rules. CBAM entered its definitive phase in January 2026 as the Union began gradually reducing free emissions allowances for European industry.

Temporary support for European producers

The second proposal before Parliament addresses exports rather than imports. CBAM can impose an equivalent carbon cost on covered goods entering Europe, but it does not compensate EU manufacturers when they sell into markets where competitors face a lower or nonexistent carbon price.

The Commission’s proposed Temporary Decarbonisation Fund would use contributions corresponding to 25% of the CBAM certificate revenue collected by each member state for emissions declared in 2026 and 2027. Support would be distributed in 2028 and 2029 to eligible energy-intensive producers and made conditional on investments in lower-carbon production.

Parliament’s Environment Committee wants assistance to begin in 2027 and continue through 2029. It also proposes opening the scheme to downstream manufacturers and expanding eligibility for fertiliser production, reflecting concerns that higher carbon-related costs could reach farmers and food supply chains.

The committee endorsed its positions on both proposals in July, with the CBAM extension approved by 56 votes to 11 and the fund backed by 59 votes to 16. Those results represented the committee’s view. Only a plenary vote can establish the formal position of Parliament as a whole.

Trade policy and climate justice

CBAM is intended to prevent “carbon leakage”: the relocation of production or emissions to countries with weaker climate rules. Its credibility nevertheless depends on more than expanding a list of covered products.

Exporters in lower-income countries may struggle to measure embedded emissions or finance cleaner equipment, even when their products are competitive on other grounds. Parliament’s committee has proposed simplified reporting and technical assistance for least-developed countries, alongside greater cooperation on carbon pricing.

Such assistance will need adequate funding and practical access. Otherwise, a mechanism designed to spread incentives for cleaner production could place the heaviest adjustment burden on businesses and workers with the least access to capital and technology.

Parliament must also decide what should happen to money left over in the temporary industrial fund. The committee wants unused revenue directed towards the EU’s international climate-finance commitments rather than returned to member states. That would connect domestic industrial protection with the Union’s responsibilities to countries facing high transition and climate-damage costs.

If approved in plenary, the two reports will become Parliament’s mandate for negotiations with member states. The final outcome will determine whether the EU can close genuine loopholes without creating an opaque subsidy system or an unmanageable compliance burden. The central question is not simply how many goods CBAM covers, but whether the policy produces measurable emissions reductions while distributing the costs of transition fairly.

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